LIT and PSTU presented this Meeting as a “Latin-American congress of worker’s unity and anti-imperialist congress”, called by “combative central unions”. For LIT this congress should serve to prove to thousands Latin American workers that they are “re-building the Fourth International” in the continent and that through promoting this “Meeting” they would be taking up again the Trotskyist and Fourth International combat that leaded by Trotsky fought during the ´30s against the “Latin-American Union Congresses” convened by Stalinism who submitted Latin-American working class to “democratic” imperialists and popular fronts that were used at that moment to strangle the Spanish and French revolutions.
Thus, ELAC organizers have insisted and keep insisting on presenting their program before millions of continental workers as the real “continuity of Trotskyism”. That is completely false: we affirm that ELAC program has nothing to do with Trotskyism but it is the continuity of the Latin-American Union Congress organized by Stalinism with Lombardo Toledano, Mexican CP leader at the head.
ELAC was not a revolutionary union meeting where they set their position and organize themselves to fight against the popular front and class collaboration policy with which the masses´ fight in Latin-America is expropriated and strangled; they do not combat either the submission to “democratic” imperialists, but just the opposite of that.
The congress wasn’t organized with the active participation of workers and the rank and file that belong to the own worker organizations that have called for such a congress. On the contrary it was a union leaders meeting, at the backs and against the ranks and files. We could say that ELAC was a real “Anglo-Russian Committee”; similar to that of the “left” bureaucrats of the British Trade Unions and Stalinist leaders of soviet unions, who use the prestige of October revolution to support that union bureaucracy that betrayed the British general strike in 1926. Leninist Bolsheviks stated in the ‘30s: “But in the very critical period of British history, 1925-1927, all the policies of the British Communist Party and the Comintern consisted in the slave-like assimilation of the trade union leadership, its idealization, blotting out its treason, and fastening the confidence of the working class to it. The young British Communist Party was because of this deeply demoralized. The whole authority of the October Revolution, USSR and Bolshevism, was in this year attached to the support and solidification of the conservative and servile tendencies of the British working class.” (The elections in Great Britain and communists, 1931) (Bolds ours)
Today LIT use the Fourth International clean banners, forging its program and use it to give prestige to collaborationist COB who supports Morales’ popular front government. They did this so this bureaucracy could handle the pressure of layers of the masses, as Huanuni miners and teachers, who fought to irrupt independently for their demands against Morales who pacts with fascism. This “Trotskyism” cover gave by LIT and PSTU was indispensable to prestige again COB leadership, because Bolivian working class is historically shaped by Pulacayo Thesis; which was the program presented in 1946 by Trotskyists in 1946 that later was adopted by the working class and COB itself as its program and that is why only those who talk in the name of Trotskyism are the ones that can lead it.
By putting millions of workers and organizations led or influenced by organizers of ELAC under the class collaboration program voted in Betim, the target of that Meeting was: centralize and rise a contention wall to contain combative sectors of the working class; and prevent them from facing bourgeois governments – led by the old World Social Forum founders as Lula, Vazquez, Morales, Chavez, Correa, etc. Those governments, who attack, repress and murder working class, make their families starve and put in jail their best fighters.
So behind the smoke cloud and the “fight to rebuild the IV International”, LIT and PSTU cover with “Trotskyist” clothing a class collaboration program that are the continuity of Stalinist policy of “staged revolution”. They poison the conscious of millions of workers presenting their program of true “organizers of defeats” as if it would have been continuity of the program of Trotskyism i.e., of the 1938 Fourth International.
ELAC fight for a “second independence” opposed to the fight for the proletarian dictatorship which is the only way to release oppressed nations from imperialist yoke
The introduction of the ELAC Manifesto says: “…We understand that to finish with exploitation and misery that our people suffer it is necessary claim a 2nd continental independence. A true independence that free the working class from the capital yoke, which transform Latin-America and Caribbean in a territory of free exploitation and oppression, which transforms our people in a sovereign people. A second continental independence in order to create a society with neither exploits nor exploiters…” Then at the end of the 16 points program where the Manifesto finishes with the slogan: “For a true and sovereign second independence. For the self-determination of all oppressed people”.
This resolution does not say which class and which classes’ alliance is necessary to conquer the national emancipation: either the native bourgeoisie or on the contrary, only the proletariat, leading the oppressed nation, facing the whole bourgeoisie and with the successful socialist revolution, will complete the national freedom and agrarian revolution, as the theory-program of the Fourth International Permanent Revolution poses.
This omission in ELAC program is not casual. The working organizations who participate and currents as LIT, UIT and the others that organize it, propel every day a policy of pressing “Bolivarian” regimes and governments so they “share the profits” when is perfectly clear that all the “share” with workers and exploits is slaverisation, hunger, repression and death. With this policy, the working class is been subordinated to the interest of their killers –bourgeois governments of Lula, Chavez, Kichner, Morales, etc. This only prevents that the proletariat conquer the alliance with the rural and urban exploits, leading them to move forward to the working socialist revolution; imposing the proletariat dictatorship and the expropriation of the expropriators, which is the only way of completing the national freedom and agrarian revolution.
The call to the “second independence” of the ELAC has nothing to do with Trotskyist program. Stalinism was who, forging revolutionary Marxism, said that in colonial and semi-colonial countries there was a first stage where the working class must support “their” bourgeoisie facing imperialism so they can conquer the “national bourgeoisie”; so in a 2nd stage, once the native bourgeoisie have developed productive forces of capitalism, the strength proletariat, could reach socialist revolution and move forward to proletariat dictatorship.
That is the real meaning of ELAC “second independence”, i.e. Stalinism program, that LIT has been propelling for a while and try to dress it as “Trotskyism”.
On the contrary, the theory-program of the Permanent Revolution in its 2nd thesis clearly says “…In those countries of backward bourgeois development, particularly in colonies and semi-colonies, the permanent revolution program means that complete and effective resolution of the democratic tasks and its national emancipation can only conquer by the proletariat dictatorship, leading them as leader of the oppressed nation and, specially, their peasants masses…” (Our bold)
Because “first independence” – to use the same formula as ELAC – came from bourgeois revolutions that ended the Spanish and Portuguese colonial dominations in 19th century and create the Latin-American nations as capitalist countries, then transformed in imperialism’s colonies or semi-colonies in 20th century.
But Trotskyism claims today that in the imperialist epoch, native bourgeoisies of colonial and semi-colonial countries can complete the tasks of the democratic revolution –i.e. bourgeoisie revolution – that could not be solved by the coming of imperialism. Because nowadays native bourgeoisies are imperialism appendages, are linked, as exploiter class, through bounds, interests of business and properties.
That is why revolutionaries oppose the proletariat to the native bourgeoisie, and as Trotsky said “ (…) We are in a continuous competition with the national bourgeoisie as the only leadership that can ensure the masses victory in the combat against foreign imperialists”. (Discussions about Latin-America, November 1938)
On the contrary LIT and ELAC program of “fight for a 2nd independence”, opposed to the fight for working socialist revolution and proletariat dictatorship, means that first they must support “critically” Morales, Chavez, Correa, pressing them so they “go up to the end”, to “break with imperialism”, etc; and then in a future stage proletariat will be able to fight for the socialist revolution.
Fourth International in ‘30s clearly claims its program to Latin-America saying: “South and Central America can only break backward and slavery unifying their states in a powerful federation. But the backward South American bourgeoisie who do it, they are a branch of foreign imperialism, but the young South American proletariat who will lead the oppressed masses. The slogan that will lead the struggle against violence and imperialism intrigues and against the bloody exploitation of the buying cliques will be: Forward to the Soviet United States of South and Central America” (Fourth International Manifesto about the imperialist war and worldwide revolution, May 1940) (Our bold)
To conclude: LIT and ELAC want to show to Latin American masses as “Trotskyism” the old Stalinism “staged revolution” that cost international proletariat many defeats and many life.
FACING THE TEST OF FIRE OF THE BOLIVARIAN REVOLUTION: FOR ELAC DOES NOT EXIST THE POPULAR FRONT OR FASCISM
Today, the future of the working class of Latin America is linked to the Bolivian revolution that is the spearhead of proletarian revolution in Latin America and the entire continent. But for ELAC and its manifesto, the Bolivian situation deserves: “…the teachers of Neuquen and Santa Cruz of Argentina and Oaxaca in Mexico, The miners of Bolivia, Peru and Chile are samples of struggle” That is all that such document says on the heroic workers and peasant Bolivian revolution that in 2003 and 2005 shook the continent and today has been expropriated by the popular front government of Morales who pacts with the bourgeoisie of la Media Luna and fascism!
Popular Front? Fascism? Nothing of this the ELAC program says It seems that this supposed “Latin American meeting” would have been convened in another planet! And they are so shameless to disguise as “Trotskyists” when it was and it is a key point of the Trotskyist program how to prevent that the mermaid songs of the popular fronts deceive workers and how to prevent that fascism smash workers!
All the ELAC “Program” for Bolivia states in its point 15,…”not to the imperialist and oligarchy attempt to divide Bolivia”.. Enough examples! This short note and all the silence on Bolivian question is a whole program. Because if the task for the Latin American proletariat is reduced only to face “imperialism” and “oligarchy” that want to divide Bolivia …that means, for omission, to support even though “critically” the Morales popular front government that wants a “unified “ Bolivia….and Bourgeois Bolivia. That is, “ not to the imperialist and oligarchy attempt to divide Bolivia”..is the Morales government program to counteract the aggressive policy of the oil Anglo-US imperialists and their minor partnerships of the Fascist oligarchy of the Media Luna and to pact with them.
For the Leninist Bolsheviks in the 30s and for the Fourth International, who does not fight against the Stalin-Naval pact signed in 1935 that confirmed the strategy of class collaboration of stalinism, of submission of the proletariat to the “democratic” bourgeoisies with the popular fronts to stop the workers revolution in France and Spain and to the “democratic” imperialists” – at that moment American, English, and French ones – against fascism of German imperialism.
It was revolutionary who at the same time that fought against the popular front policy was not able to propel a just policy of workers united front so that proletariat can smash fascism. Following this policy, the Brazilian trotskyists organized in 1934 to smash the fascist gangs of Plinio Salgado da Sé square of San Pablo, setting up the workers united front with more than 30 unions and workers organizations led by Stalinists, socialists, anarchists, and others by trotskyists. After this workers united front smashed fascism in Brazil – that never again raise their heads – a handful of that trotskyists were exiled in Bolivia and collaborated in setting up Trotskyism in that country that, some years later, in 1946, together with the heart of the Bolivian proletariat proposed the program of trotskyism to the miners for the Bolivian revolution: The Pulacayo Thesis.
Today, the resolution of that “meeting “… that it is said to be “classist”, “internationalist” and state they are re taking the struggle of the Latin American Trotskyists of ‘30s , do not say a word of the Pulacayo Thesis that has as key points …. The combat against the popular front and fascism. Thus, it says: “the way towards betrayals was open with the famous popular fronts, that is, the fronts that forgetting the class struggle unified proletarians-petty bourgeoisies – and some sectors of the bourgeoisie. The popular front has cost a lot of defeats for international proletarians…All attempt of class collaboration with our killers, all attempt of concession to our enemy in our struggle, is no less than a selling-out of the workers to the bourgeoisie…” (our bolds)
And this thesis finishes with a specific point focused on the struggle against fascism: “Our struggle against imperialism has to be then parallel to our struggle against the sellers out of the feudal bourgeoisie. The anti fascism becomes in the praxis: the defence and achieving of democratic guarantees and the destruction of the armed gangs supported by the bourgeoisie”
It clear that ELAC program is opposed to The Pulacayo Thesis that today LIT, PSTU and UIT-CI have hidden under 7 keys in an attempt to re-prestige COB bureaucracy which supports Morales popular front that repress the left wing of the proletariat and pacts with the fascists allowing them to raise their heads more and more.
ELAC gave prestige to COB that sold out the unarmed Huanuni miners to the repression on the part of Morales government
But the class struggle is cruel; unmasks the facts, the cruel facts, that is, all attempt of fake. Thus, when just ELAC finished during the first days of August in Bolivia, the Huanuni miners went to strike with blockades to ask Morales government to give them retirement payment at the age of 55 since a 44 year old miner has the lungs destroyed by silicosis. They were repressed by the police and killer army of Morales and two comrades were killed and dozens bullet injured.
The leadership of COB and Federación Minera- Honorary presidency of ELAC supported and re legitimized by LIT, PSTU and other renegades of Trotskyism – left the miners in struggle unarmed and isolated and they accused workers that their action had been premature and this was the cause of the repression.
Besides, after the brutal repression, while the miners of Huanuni still were in the burial of their deaths, Montes and the other COB leaders, in the name of “unity to confront the right wing”, gave truce to Morales government so that it can impose the trap of the recallable referendum. Those are the collaborationist bureaucrats, supporters of the popular front that ELAC gave prestige! Thus, the ranks and file Huanuni miners with total perspicacious gathered in assembly, unrecognized and voted kick out Montes of COB, Solares of COR Oruro and the leaders of the local miner union for “collaborationist”, that is, the same leaders who had been applauded in ELAC.
Meanwhile, CONLUTAS – in the same way that C-CURA, Batay Ouvriye, TCC of Uruguay and other union organizations of ELAC – denied themselves to launch a single action of struggle from the hundreds of unions led in solidarity with the Bolivian miners and they also sent a letter to president Morales covering the COB collaborationist leadership to “convince” him that “to attack COB and their unions and Huanuni miners like allies of the right wing is a brutal error” Letter of CONLUTAS to Morales, 9/08/08. (Bold ours).
It was a mistake the repression of the state and bourgeois government against Huanuni miners” It was a “mistake” the assassination of two miners in the hands of the caste of murderous Bolivian army! And this servant policy before the bourgeois state is tried to be presented by LIT and PSTU like the “continuity” of the struggle of the Fourth International in the `30s in Latin America!
ELAC and its support to Morales in the recallable referendum and before the fascist putsch of the Media Luna
PSTU and LIT, the main organizers of ELAC, consistent with their collaboration class policy, few days after it finishes when the blood of the Huanuni miners was still wet, called on workers , peasants and youth to take out the prefectos because they would not improve the life conditions of workers and people of their provinces and call to give a critical vote for Morales” Opinión Socialista N° 347, 31/07 to 6/08; PSTU/LIT press. (Bold ours).
Therefore, they call to vote Morales together with COB bureaucracy and the other reformist leaderships of the left wing of the WSF of the entire continent, showing that their stalinist policy of “progressive fields”, that is, calling on Bolivian workers to support “the progressive bourgeois field” of popular front against the “reactionary bourgeois field” of Media Luna. For that referendum, Morales government and the fascist Media Luna were strengthened and few days later the fascist Media Luna supported by US imperialism propelled the fascist putsch.
Before this, on September 12th COB voted a resolution to support Morales government and its “revolutionary process of change”; COB called to “establish immediately a table of dialogue with the fascist prefectos”, and in the last point, it established a “truce” with Morales till November 18th….that is, with the argument of “defence the democracy”, Montes and company sold out the workers demands, even the most basic ones like the retirement at the age of 55 so that miners do not die by silicosis!
The policy of LIT and its ELAC before the fascist putsch was the logical consequence of its previous policy. In their statement dated on November 31st , LIT together with COB went to support Morales and demand him that to “defeat the ultra-right” …..he uses the support of the bourgeois Army, that is, the support of the caste of officials that massacred more than 100 workers and peasants in October in 2003!
They support the government of the Bolivian native bourgeoisie in partnership with the French Total- Petrobras of Brazil is its junior partner- so that it agrees a pact with the official caste and both “defeat” the fascist Media Luna, while the workers and peasants only can organize struggles to pressure in the streets, strikes, to support such popular front.
These reformists “forget” that the official caste has decided to “deal with” Morales till there would be a better alternative; but, without doubt, this coward government in the decisive moment – like Allende, Torres, Chávez, etc. – will run away like a rat and will leave the open way to fascism of Media Luna.
In such statement, LIT salutes the seller out COB leadership that calls to convene an emergency meeting in Santa Cruz but not to set up the workers and peasant militia to smash fascism but to strengthen its agreement with the government, that is, “the democratic front” against fascism, agreement of class collaboration to subordinate the working class to the popular front and its official caste of the murderous army, leaving workers totally unarmed before a fascist threat that massacres in Pando, Santa Cruz, and in the entire Media Luna.
This submission to Evo stops the open struggle of the exploited masses for land, factories, and hydrocarbons. This prevent the working class from winning the majority of the poor peasants because it prevents that the working class fights in the streets for the expropriation of the large estates and land for poor peasants and expropriate the banks to give them cheap credits. This prevent that the working class wins the rank and file of the army – the soldiers son of workers and peasants under weapons – and they were the only “army” violently attacked by the fascist gangs with a bourgeois counterrevolutionary instinct. Without this class collaborationist policy, the rank and file soldiers who are under conscription in Bolivia would tie the hands of the officials to take them to be hung in the COB where would be organized and centralized the workers and peasant militia.
But it is not all, PSTU – Brazilian section” – and a real “mothership party” of LIT-CI – together with CONLUTAS led by them, propelled and participated enthusiastically in a mobilization to the Bolivian council that took place in San Pablo, Brazil, on September 18th…by the hands of PT – the party of the government – the CUT union bureaucracy that supports the LULA government; by the hand of PSOL of Heloísa Helena; of stalinists of CPB and CP do B, the Movimiento sin tierra, the intersindical, and as usual, by the hand of the church and its Pastoral Obrera (workers Pastoral). The council of Bolivia, the direct man of Morales was the main speaker in that public meeting!
That mobilization was convened under the slogans of supporting “Bolivia and Morales”, of reject to those that do not respect the democracy when there are governments that favour workers”; and they called a solidarity committee in defence of the president Morales”.
Thus in Brazil they subordinate workers organizations of Conlutas to the policy of Lula, PT and CUT government; who in Bolivia defend the interests of Petrobras – junior partner of French imperialist Total – to guarantee that Bolivian gas supply all the transnationals that are in Mercosur. This single action unmasked the “internationalism” of ELAC, which far from unifying the ranks of the workers of the continent, subordinated them to the bourgeoisie country by country; In Bolivia, through the leadership of COB, subordinate them to Evo Morales’ bourgeois government; in Brazil by submitting the workers to PT put the workers at the feet of Lula’s government, who as a junior partner of French imperialism, plunder gas from Bolivia. Therefore LIT, PSTU and ELAC do not call Brazilian workers to do their most essential internationalist task, which is fight for the “Gas for the Bolivians”, i.e. the fight for expropriation without compensation under worker control of all oilfield, gas fields, gas pipes, refineries, etc. of Petrobras in Bolivia. A true stab in the back to the Bolivian and the whole continent masses, still with the hot blood of the peasants massacred in Pando and in the Media Luna!
The ELAC and its program against the imperialist war in Middle East
In front of the burning question, the Iraq and Afghanistan war, the ELAC program in point 15 states: “Out with imperialism from Latin America and the Caribbean, from Iraq, Palestine, Afghanistan and all the places where they may have any military presence. …”
It nothing says about the fight for the military defeat of imperialist troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, and for the victory of the heroic resistance of the Iraqi and Afghan masses. In short, a complete subordination to Obama and the Democratic Party policy, in their electoral campaign, to deceive the masses, speaking about the “pull out” of the troops, while the Yankee Parliament voted to finance them in Iraq, Afghanistan and in all Middle East.
This way, the program of the ELAC does not attack the Yankee Imperialist Regime of the “Republicrats”, on the contrary it reinforces the subordination of the North American proletariat – who has the key for the triumph of the oppressed masses in the Middle East – to the Democratic Party.
The ELAC Program is the antithesis of the Transitional Program of the Fourth International that says “…It will be the duty of the international proletariat to aid the oppressed countries in their war against oppressors (…) The defeat of every imperialist government in the struggle with the workers' state or with a colonial country is the lesser evil ... The workers of imperialist countries, however, cannot help an anti-imperialist country through their own government, no matter what might be the diplomatic and military relations between the two countries at a given moment. If the governments find themselves in a temporary and, by the very essence of the matter, unreliable alliance, then the proletariat of the imperialist country continues to remain in class opposition to its own government and supports the non-imperialist "ally" through its own methods, i.e., through the methods of the international class struggle” (bold letters ours)
Under life test, it is demonstrated once again, the ELAC and its program is useless for workers’ struggle. The premises of the Dock workers of Oakland of the ILWU, local 10, were the vanguard of the North American proletariat against the imperialist war because in 2003 they set up the only Fight Committee independent of the regime of the “Republicrats” against the treacherous bureaucracy of the AFL-CIO, calling the North American and world workers’ movement to fight applying worker’s methods as strike and mobilization, to boycott the imperialist war machinery. “If there is no peace we will strike!”, “Stop Iraq and Afghanistan war! Defend the rights of the workers, Defend the rights of the immigrants, Close all the West Coast ports on May 1st”, they showed the way to paralyze the imperialist war machinery.
The revolutionary program of Dock workers represented Trotsky’s policy for the workers of the imperialist Powers. On the contrary, the ELAC program with its pacifist and “democratic front” left the North American proletarian vanguard and its most combative sector disarmed to face the brutal bankruptcy of the economy of the main imperialist Power and its consequences as layoffs, lockouts, massive immigrants deportation, lower salaries, eviction processes over mortgaged houses, etc.
Unfortunately, the presence of Clarence Thomas, the leader of the Dockers of Oakland, the March of the Million Workers in 2004 and the Coalition of Workers against the War, validated in the ELAC this program against the interests and the gains of the combat of North American workers.
ELAC program for Haiti that is occupied by “gurkas” troops of the Bolivarian Governments under imperialist command.
The ELAC also failed the test of Haiti. It only says “Out with foreign troops of Haiti” In this occupied and bleed nation, turned into a Yankee Protectorate and a real torment for their workers and poor farmers. They do not denounce the “gurka” troops of Bolivarian Governments of Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia and Chile at the command of that “den of thieves” of the UN. All of them are responsible of repressing and oppressing the starving Haitian people. The same Governments the ELAC calls to fight to win the “second independence” in Latin America.
This way, they refuse to fight for the military defeat of all these troops, and in the first place, the ones of their own countries that have massacred the masses when they rose up demanding for bread. They are against the internationalist tasks of the workers of the continent to help the masses of Haiti: they refuse to raise clearly that every Latin American soldier who occupies Haiti is a legitimate target of the resistance and the anti-imperialist fight of the masses for the expulsion of the invader and the liberation of the nation of the imperialist yoke. They refuse to mobilize revolutionarily against its own governments and they only send petitions and letters to pressure these Governments, agents of the Imperialism.
The ELAC and the reforms of the “Bolivarian revolution” that expropriated the revolutionary and anti imperialist fight of the Latin American masses
The program of the ELAC raises: “against neoliberal reforms” and “against Free Trade Agreements (TLC) or similar ones (TIFA, Treaties of protection of investments, etc.) in Latin America and the Caribbean. “Not to MERCOSUR”. But nothing says about the “bolivarian reforms” of the “market socialism” and the “socialism of XXI century” of Castro, Chavez, Morales, etc., the expropriators together with the WSF of the revolutionary and anti imperialist fight of the masses in Latin American. It does not say a word about the “free trade” agreements of the native bourgeoisies as junior partners of the French, Spanish, German and Japanese imperialisms, like the ALBA, to make juicy businesses as the South Bank, the South Gas Pipeline, the Bioceanic Corridor, etc. The French imperialism has military bases along the Caribbean and the French Guyana that for the ELAC apparently does not exist.
The ELAC defends this fraud to the workers with the theory-program of “market socialism”, saying that that the rotten Capitalism can be reformed “socializing the market” trough a supposed “social and equal interchange”, because for them, the problem of Capitalism is not in the field of production, but in the distribution field. That is why for them everything is solved “re-distributing the wealth”, without touching the property of the bloodsuckers capitalists and without demolishing the bourgeois state.
With this trick was validated in Bolivia the “fake nationalization” of the hydrocarbons giving the hydrocarbon profits to the French Total – through Petrobras and the Spanish Repsol while the exploits continue heating and cooking with llama dung.
The ELAC raises the slogan “for economical food for all. For land reform…”, but without raising the expropriation without compensation of all grain monopolies and the great landowners, without giving lands to the poor farmers to organize collective farms under state control, without the nationalization of the banks to give cheap credits to the poor farmers, the only way to have “economical foods for all”. On the contrary, they defend with this program the “agrarian reform” of Morales and his “Indigenist and Socialist” Constitution, which gives small parcels of infertile earth to the poor farmers leaving the best in the hands of the landowners. They guarantee, in that way, the property of the seven great imperialist companies that control the grain market sinking into starvation hundreds of million people in the planet.
Much more than this, in Argentina, the FOS (LIT), renouncing the fight for the expropriation and nationalization without compensation of the agrarian bourgeoisie usurper of all the fertile territories of the Pampas and the country, went straight ahead at the feet of Kirchner’s Government. This way, in the middle of the inter-bourgeois dispute for the agrarian rent, the FOS called Kirchner’s Government “not to give up”, in its fight against the landowner oligarchy about tax withholdings they wanted to charge in favor of the monopolies installed in the Mercosur. With this reformist program of Stalinism of the ELAC, the FOS ended under the feet of one fraction of the native bourgeoisie associated with one sector of the imperialist transnational companies!
The program of the ELAC has nothing to do with the Transitional Program of the Fourth International that raises: “The socialist program of expropriation, i.e., political overthrow of the bourgeoisie and liquidation of its economic domination, should in no case during the present transitional period hinder us from advancing, when the occasion warrants, the demand for the expropriation of several key branches of industry vital for national existence or of the most parasitic group of the bourgeoisie (...)
The difference between these demands and the muddleheaded reformist slogan of “nationalization” lies in the following: (1) we reject indemnification; (2) we warn the masses against demagogues of the People’s Front who giving lip service to nationalization, remain in reality, agents of capital; (3) we call upon the masses to rely only upon their own revolutionary strength; (4) we link up the question of expropriation with that of seizure of power by the workers and farmers”.(Bold ours.)
The ELAC and the step forward in the Capitalist restoration in Cuba.
The capitalist restoration process in Cuba is full steam ahead, and the only working state in extremely grade of decomposition is dying while the restorationist bureaucracy is trying to make an agreement with the Yankee imperialism to release the blockade to allow investing in Cuba - as Deng Xiao Ping did with Nixon in China in 1973 –. In that way, they would be the new owners of the restored capitalist property as minor partners of the imperialism.
About Cuban question – one of the acid tests for the revolutionaries, because it concentrates the proletariat dictatorship question – the resolutions of the ELAC are restricted to raise in its 15 item … “No to the blockade of Cuba”.
The release of the blockade by the Yankee imperialism will mean the unrestricted inflow of foreign goods and capitalist companies in the island if Cuba is subdued to the leadership of the restorationist Castroite beureaucracy. “Not to the blockade” it is the policy of Obama. He represents the agent of Yankee’s monopolies willing to make business with Fidel and Raul Castro because they can see how 80 miles far away from their coasts their European competitors are winning the race in the juicy business of restoration process.
“No to the blockade” it is what voted the den of thieves of Imperialist European Parliament, so that their monopolies allied with the restorationist bureaucracy, invest in Cuba trough the Cuban Army leaded by Raul Castro that controls 70% of the companies in the island (nickel, tourism, oil) and now the business of the lands recently privatized.
With these measures, the bureaucracy wants to define its role as native bourgeoisie and junior partner of the imperialism eliminating all the historical gains of Cuban Working State, after 50 years of “socialism in a single island”, deepening to an extreme grade the social inequality with the double currency. The aristocracy and bureaucracy, a minority of a new middle class, that works in the industry earning salaries in convertible currency, (500 -2000 dollars a month) and the immense majority of workers who earn miserable salaries in devaluated Cuban Pesos,(18 U$S a month). The Cuban masses support this real “blockade”!
The only way to fight against the sufferings of Cuban masses is to fight for workers, peasants and soldiers’ armed councils to defeat the restorationist Castroite clique and turn Cuba into a link and a bastion of North, Latin American and World Revolution. For a Soviet Cuba joined to the Socialist United States of South and Central America. This is the only way Cuban masses will be able to solve the decay imposed by the “socialism in a single island”.
As it says the Transitional Program of 1938: “ Down with the privileges of the bureaucracy! Down with the Soviet aristocracy and its ranks and orders! Greater equality of wages for all forms of labor! (…)A revision of planned economy from top to bottom in the interests of producers and consumers! Factory committees should be returned the right to control production. A democratically organized consumers’ cooperative should control the quality and price of products. (…)All political trials, staged by the Thermidorian bureaucracy, to be reviewed in the light of complete publicity and controversial openness and integrity. Only the victorious revolutionary uprising of the oppressed masses can revive the Soviet regime and guarantee its further development toward socialism. There is but one party capable of leading the Soviet masses to insurrection – the party of the Fourth International!
Down with the bureaucratic gang of Cain-Stalin!
Long live Soviet democracy!
Long live the international socialist revolution!” (Bold ours).
For the Trotskyists the destiny of Cuba depends on the World Revolution. In The Revolution Betrayed, Trotsky said : “ How will evolve in the next three, five, ten years the dynamism of the economic contradictions and the social antagonism in the Soviet society? The question will be decided by a struggle of living social forces, both on the national and the world arena.” (Bold ours). The program in defense of the historical gains of Cuban revolution is: Down with the international counterrevolutionary policy of the restorationist Castroite bureaucracy, strangler of the revolutionary and anti-imperialist fight of the working class and the exploits of Latin America!
The leaders and the organizations of the ELAC end at the feet of the restorationist Castroite bureaucracy because they did not fight for the triumph of the political revolution to save the decomposed working state from the catastrophe of the capitalist restoration.
The internationalism of the program of the ELAC into Stalin-Bujarin mold
In the “Resolutions on the central tasks of the ELAC, it is raised “…we propose that a central campaign be held against criminalization, hinging round the situation in Colombia and adding to it the situation of workers and popular fighters murdered, jailed, on trials and laid off in different countries, and a week of anti-imperialist struggle that will hinge round the central demand: Out with the foreign troops of Haiti”. (…) “We shall hold the anti-imperialist week in October, taking advantage of the anniversary of the discovery of America. It will have the characteristics according to the situation in each country and the strength of the ELAC organizations and the organizations we can recruit for this task...”
In this plan of “international struggle” voted in Brazil, it is concentrated the essence of the Stalinist conception supported by the LIT and the ELAC. Its “international” cry of war is reduced to in fact every day the workers must go on fighting country by country, and pre fixed calendar dates or events, empty yapping of “international revolution”.
The “struggle plan” vindicated by the ELAC as “proletarian internationalism” and “Trotskyism continuity”, is exactly its opposite. It is to reproduced the reformist “internationalism” of Stalin and Bujarin in the decade of the ‘20s, against which Trotsky and the International Left Opposition fought. They raised: “Thus the double strategy of the Communist International is applied: whereas in the USSR the proletariat devotes itself ‘to eliminate the classes’ and to build the Socialism, the proletariat of all the other countries, behind the national conditions backs, is forced to undertake simultaneous actions in prefixed calendar dates – 11th August, 6th March, etc. – and then, the messianic nationalism is completed with a bureaucratic-abstract internationalism. This dualism absolutely informs the entire program of the Communist International depriving it of normative value.” (Preface of Permanent Revolution: Two conceptions).
For this reason, the ELAC proclaims the internationalism without calling for a continental fight for the immediate and minimum demands against the high cost of living – due to the actual imperialist offensive – unifying under an international action and program what in this moment the world economic crisis has united. Its mask of “proletarian internationalism” is the opposite of the revolutionary policy of the Second International in combat for the eight hours labour!
When the ELAC was held in Brazil, the liberation of Betancourt and other prisoners on behalf of Uribe-Bush Army was taking place in Colombia. This Army today massacres the Colombian Resistance that was sold out by Castro, Chavez, Correa, and the WSF and the servant bourgeoisies of the continent.
None of the organizations of the ELAC proposed in the meeting, the only true internationalist motion of solidarity with the Colombian Resistance: Out with all military forces in Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela, Peru and y Brazil frontiers! For the break of all the working organizations of those countries with the bourgeoisie and make all their efforts to supply the Resistance against the fascist Uribe!
We have to tell the truth. Following the course of ELAC, the newspaper of the Colombian PST, the group of the LIT in that country, came to the limit saying that the destruction of the guerrilla “as a distortion factor of the organized fight of the masses, will open for the revolutionaries new possibilities to develop and strengthen the organization of the International Leninist Policy that has been denied to the working class during decades”. (The Socialist Nº 630, July/2008). This brutal position and cynically and shamelessly behavior, is supported in name of the “Trotskyism”. It cannot be allowed, and from the FLT we will not allow such outrage against the name, the program and the legacy of the Fourth International.
ELAC neither face the restorationist bureaucracy of class collaboration nor fight for class independence
They state on union tasks “For class independence. For independent and autonomous workers’ organizations of the imperialism, bourgeoisies, States, governments and parties. For the unionist freedom.” Then, they say “Against the collaborationist unions.”
Class independence means the worker organizations do not, under any circumstance, support or call on masses to back the bourgeoisie. On the contrary, they struggle every day for workers’ emancipation impelling the size of power. If the leaders in the ELAC would have been for the class independence and if Trotskyists would have organized the congress, the first task to vote should have been that the COB breaks with Evo Morales. Nevertheless, this does not happen. It was the congress of the labor unions that called to vote for Chavez like C-CURA, support Morales like the COB and the renegades of Trotskyism like LIT that called to vote for the preventive popular front of Lula- Alencar in Brazil, and for Chirac against the fascist Le Pen in France applying, in all the cases, the Stalinist and Maoist “theory” of the “progressive bourgeois fields”.
The objective of the supporters of ELAC is not to set up revolutionary leaderships in the unions. For them, there is to win “new union leaderships” and for that reason, there is no demand to expel the bureaucracy from unions.
The direction of the ELAC has nothing to do with the lessons of combat left by Trotsky that state: “Does this mean that in the epoch of imperialism independent trade unions are generally impossible? It would be fundamentally incorrect to pose the question this way. Impossible are the independent or semi-independent reformist trade unions. Wholly possible are revolutionary trade unions which not only are not stockholders of imperialist policy but which set as their task the direct overthrow of the rule of capitalism. In the epoch of imperialist decay, the trade unions can be truly independent only to the extent they are conscious of being, in action, the organs of proletarian revolution. In this sense, the program of transitional demands adopted by the last congress of the Fourth International is not only the program for the activity of the party but in its fundamental features, it is the program for the activity of the trade unions”. Trade Unions in the epoch of imperialist decay, August 1940. (Bold ours)
Following the steps of the RED UNION opposition of Stalin-Bujarin
The truth about class independence and the fight against collaborationist bureacracies stated by ELAC is naked when as main demand is joined with “unionist freedom”. What does it mean? The class independence of our organizations would be solved winning “unionist freedom”…that is, the freedom of workers to become a member of other trade unions. Thus, when thousand of workers broke with the pro-imperialist government of Lula-Alencar and PT and the workers faced the CUT bureaucracy, the leaders of PSTU-LIT alongside the CUT left bureaucracy deviated the proletarian struggle from the possibility to win a worker and peasant congress to overthrow the servants in all worker organizations. On the contrary, they led huge sectors of the worker vanguard to set up a new trade union, CONLUTAS. Nothing of “independent and autonomous worker organizations”: but “unionist freedom” … to set up a new parallel union so nationalized like CUT, Forza Sindical, etc.
Thus, ELAC program states the struggle for the “unionist freedom” to organize in future parallel unions to UNT, PIT-CNT of Uruguay, AFL-CIO, etc., to content sectors of radicalized workers that may escape from the control of the government. “Trotskyism”? No. It is reissued the policy of Stalin-Bujarin of parallel “red unions” to reformist official trade unions.
In opposition to this policy, Leon Trotsky fought in 1933 when he said that anyone who divides revolutionary workers, builds besides the mass organizations “clean” revolutionary unions- according Lenin ironic expression- but in a few number and for that reason impotent ones, does not solve the historical task – the task to lead the working class to power- on the contrary, he renounces to solve it.
The Transitional program also states: “Sectarian attempts to build or preserve small “revolutionary” unions, as a second edition of the party, signify in actuality the renouncing of the struggle for leadership of the working class. It is necessary to establish this firm rule: self-isolation from mass trade unions, which is tantamount to a betrayal of the revolution, is incompatible with membership in the Fourth International.(…) If it be criminal to turn one’s back on mass organizations for the sake of fostering sectarian factions, it is no less so passively to tolerate subordination of the revolutionary mass movement to the control of openly reactionary or disguised conservative (”progressive”) bureaucratic cliques. Trade unions are not ends in themselves; they are but means along the road to proletarian revolution.” (Bolds ours)
The fight for union democracy.
Mainly, the ELAC was a “strange” meeting of “left” central unions who denied raising the program to kick the bureaucracy out of the working organizations, leaving millions workers subordinated to the bosses. Slogans like Down with the union bureaucracy! Out of the bourgeois state’s hands of the working organizations! Out of the Ministry of labour and and its compulsory conciliations! Down with the compulsory discount of the union fees! At the end of their mandate, all the leaders have to go back to work! For revocable leaders and delegates who earn a salary similar to the average of the workers they represent!
It is not strange the LIT and The PSTU – and the rest of the leaders of the ELAC – shut their mouth about this question, because this minimum topic of the Trotskyst program is just the opposite of them, who since decades are in the highest positions in the unions; first in the CUT and now in the CONLUTAS.
Also the Transitional Program raises “Trade unions, even the most powerful, embrace no more than 20 to 25 percent of the working class, and at that, predominantly the more skilled and better paid layers. The more oppressed majority of the working class is drawn only episodically into the struggle, during a period of exceptional upsurges in the labor movement. During such moments it is necessary to create organizations ad hoc, embracing the whole fighting mass: strike committees, factory committees, and finally, soviets”. (Bold ours )Who doesn’t fight for these organisms is against workers democracy inside the working organizations in the way to join the working class ranks, dividing all the time by the union bureaucracy.
The PSTU and the LIT, leaders of CONLUTAS bury the Troskyst program so that the 60 billions of exploited pariahs that forms the industrial army reserved of labour force in Brazil, can never can set up committees of farm workers, landless peasants, homeless workers together with the factories committees unifying a powerful working organism of masses self determination and direct democracy that makes tremble all Brazil from its more deep foundations.
Denying raising a program to impulse the combat so that these billions of “poor devils” abandoned to their own luck by the bourgeoisie and forgotten by the bureaucracy of the CUT, the ELAC demonstrates not being an organization with a Trotskyst program; on the contrary it demonstrates being a leadership of the working bureaucracy and aristocracy feeding with the scraps of the super profits obtained by the imperialist monopolies over exploiting the majority of the working class,the exploited masses of Brazil, the pariahs in the city and in on the farms.
The Morenists of the PSTU turned the CONLUTAS into a new bureaucratic central union. Both the PSTU and the PSOL, collaborated containing enormous sectors of Brazilian workers when hundreds of thousands of them broke with the PT and the “pelega” bureaucracy of the CUT, starting the fight against the preventive popular front of Lula. Thousands of them put all their forces to make CONLUTAS the organization to fight. Today the PSTU/LIT and the PSOL expropriated their fight turning these organizations of the proletariat, the CONLUTAS into a new bureaucratic organization.
The leaders of the “new organizations” are….the old bureaucrats of the CUT since 20 years. At the left of the CUT, they are in charge of splitting isolating all the fights of the working movement and the combative students pro imperialist Government of Lula.
the ELAC finally demonstrates it doesn´t fight for working democracy as it didn´t exist neither in the ELAC meeting nor in the CONLUTAS Congress.
Before the ELAC, the first Congress of CONLUTAS took place in Betim. These meetings were the Congresses of the working bureaucracy with delegates carefully selected, without any proletarian democracy. It coasted 400 U$S per delegate and the delegates opposite to the bureaucrats of the PST/CONLUTAS weren’t accepted even they accomplish the required conditions. The Morenists of the PSTU-LIT and the UIT far away from the Trotskysts in the’ 30 in Latin America, who battled for a Congress of the rank and file, copied the one of the Stalinists of Lombardo Toledano and their Pan-American Union Congress of 1938. No resolution of the ELAC was voted by the Workers Assemblies, it was a meeting organized at the back of the rank and file. Nothing of Trotsysm and all the methods of the union congresses of the Stalinist of Lombardo Toledano in the ´30!
Congress of ELAC covered and supported the Election Front of PSOL, CPB (Stalinists) and PSTU
Both ELAC and Conlutas (leaded by PSTU/LIT) congresses supported the Election Front of LIT and PSOL. They also kept the program of class collaboration signed in the electoral agreement on 2006. At the same time they called to an “auditor ship to investigate the external and internal debt, as the Constitution of 1988 says”; “redistribute the wealth”; “a true participative democracy for the workers and the people”; and at an international level “Complete support to the nationalization of gas in Bolivia” made by the bourgeois government of Evo Morales.
This campaign for the elections in 2008 was disguise as “Trotskist” by PSTU. They made a campaign calling to vote “for the class independence of the candidates that came from the working class, to have superintendents and councillors who represent the interest of the workers in the City Councils and who support the workers struggles”.
Conlutas Congress (made before ELAC’s) approved support the left Election Front (PSOL, CPB and PSTU. Therefore, first MES threaten with not be part of the Conlutas if they wanted to discuss against their support the “Bolivarian” governments, who repress the working class like Chavez, Evo Morales, Correa, etc. PSTU leadership answer and defend this front by saying openly that there was no need to dicuss this question or to agree on them. Conlutas Congress voted an orientation that ELAC will also approved later. They agreed on not to vote a position against Chavez and Morales.
The election agreement unmasked the reformist and oportunist policy of PSTU. Their partners (PSOL and CPB) organized alliances with PV (Green Party), SPB, PDT, CP of B (who supports Lula’s government) PTN, PMN, PSDC, PSL, PSC and PPS all over Brazil. They are all kind of bourgeois parties. Even inside PSOL there was a huge public discussion. MES (Movement of the Socialist Left, which is the brother organization of Argentinean MST) of Luciana Genro of Proto Alegre accepted 100,000 reales (55,000 U$D) from the metal monopoly Gerdau to fund the campaign.
PSTU – who claim themselves of kipping off from their ranks militants or leaders who support the seeking alliances with bourgeois parties – follow PSOL openly reformist strategy. They didn’t say anything about PSOL and kept that front in those cities where PSOL and CPB didn’t made any agreement with bourgeois parties. What they said was that PSTU wasn’t supported by money of the bourgeoisie or corruption. But they didn’t denounce their partners. PSOL and CPB keep hugging the bourgeoisie and PSTU support them by left and they all together put the workers at the bourgeoisie feet.
The policy of LIT breaks openly with the traditions of the revolutionary parliamentarism of the III International of Lenin and Trotsky, on the election question. It also proves the character of 3rd wave of Mensheviks of the renegades of Trotskyism.
Third International revolutionary parlamentarism it is expressed in the resolution of the Second Congress in 1920. They were the opposite to PSOL’s policy of Heloisa Helena –who supported openly by the LIT Morenists – on behalf of the “class independence”:
“The attitude of the Communist International towards parliamentarism is determined, not by a new doctrine, but by the change in the role of parliament itself. In the previous epoch parliament (19th century epoch of the organic development of the capital) performed to a certain degree a historically progressive task as a tool of developing capitalism. Under the present conditions of unbridled imperialism, however, parliament has been transformed into a tool for lies, deception, violence and enervating chatter. In the face of imperialist devastation, plundering, rape, banditry and destruction, parliamentary reforms, robbed of any system, permanence and method, lose any practical significance for the toiling masses. (…) Therefore it is the historical task of the working class to wrest this apparatus from the hands of the ruling class, to smash it, to destroy it, and replace it with new proletarian organs of power. At the same time, however, the revolutionary general staff of the class has a strong interest in having its scouts in the parliamentary institutions of the bourgeoisie in order to make this task of destruction easier. Thus is demonstrated quite clearly the basic difference between the tactic of the communist, who enters parliament with revolutionary aims, and the tactics of the socialist parliamentarian. The latter proceeds from the assumption of the relative stability and the indeterminate duration of the existing rule. (…) The Communist Party does not enter these institutions in order to carry out organic work there, but in order to help the masses from inside parliament. This activity in parliament, which consists mainly in revolutionary agitation from the parliamentary rostrum, in unmasking opponents, in the ideological unification of the masses who still, particularly in backward areas, are captivated by democratic ideas, look towards the parliamentary rostrum, etc., should be totally and completely subordinated to the aims and tasks of the mass struggle outside parliament” (Evening Session of August 2, Second Congress of the Communist International, Petrograd, July 19 – August 7, 1920)
In these elections the working class didn’t had true revolutionary pole, emerged from a Congress of workers, peasants and students (as rank and file delegates); a congress to vote their delegates by raising hands; delegates chosen from the workers ranks and also to vote a combative program. That congress would have voted break with the bourgeoisie and organize the struggle of the masses all over Brazil; as well as the internationalist tasks of the Brazilian working class with their class brothers of Bolivia. The proletariat with that institution would have really conquered its class independence, not as propaganda – as the reformists claims it – but as organism of self-determination for the class combats.
The congress of Conlutas ended with the class independence. It transforms the necessity of a class tribune in these elections into an exchange business of candidates with the program as an exchange currency. It was supported by bureaucrat delegations in that congress who only wanted to keep the same amount of votes of the previous national elections. In those elections Heloisa Helena (who is elected again, now as councillor, as Luciana Genro, a former deputy) was in the third place in Brazil with 6 million votes.
But, why would the masses vote those candidates from the reformist left? When they close the road to the left of the proletariat to enter in the combat by bureaucratizing and putting Conlutas to bourgeoisie’s feet.
We must say the truth; PSTU, after destroying the organism of class independence, blocked all expression of the left of the working class, by making an electoral agreement with Heloisa Helena’s PSOL. She received the tribute of the slaver bourgeoisie of the bourgeoisie parliament for her job after she finished her ruling period. Heloisa Helena also played the sad role of pronouncing agains the landless workers; who were repressed and stopped at the bourgeois Congress’ doors. That is to say the bourgeoisie parliament defended by Heloisa Helena as the “home of democracy”. “Class independence”, my ass!; it was an agreement of the left bureaucracy form the unions and parliament arribist from the reformist left.
The Third International, on the contrary of what PSTU and their partners did, was: “Communist Parties must abandon the old socialdemocracy policy of only choosing the most “experimented” parliamentarians and specially lawyers. The candidates will be chosen among the workers; they don’t have to be afraid of choosing simple members of the party, with no parliamentary experience” (Idem).
Third International answers to PSTU and LIT silence over their electoral allies. It is a silence enemy of fighting against parliamentary, political arribist of petty bourgeois currents: “Every communist deputy to the Congress must understand that is not just a member who looks a common language with the rest of the parliament members, but is a Party’s agitator, sent to the enemy field to apply the Party’s decisions”. (…) “Although they are one or two, communist deputies must maintain –in all their acts – a challenge to capitalism and never forget that is only worthy of the name communist who expose, not only by word, but also acting, being an enemy of the bourgeois society and their social patriot servants” (Idem).
Again in the electoral question PSTU proves being Leninism and Trotskyism denial. They prove to be in the 21st century complete continuity of Menshevism and Stalinism.
RETAKE THE LEGACY AND THE PROGRAM OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL FROM THE HANDS OF THE FAKE TROTSKYISTS!
We see the LIT and the PSTU put a new obstacle to centralize their continental forces to stop and avoid all radical struggle against the Bolivarian regimes and governments taking the workers to pressure onto the bourgeois institutions so that they “share out the wealth”, while they only “distribute” high living cost, starvation, dismissals, miserable salaries, repression and jail for the exploited masses. Under the orders of James Petras and the deceased Celia Hart Santamaria, WSF founders, the Morenists put all their support in Conlutas in this way. So in the posthumous tribute to the Stalinist Celia Hart, the Secretary of the LIT, proudly wrote:
“During the first Congress of Conlutas, in 2006, she declared: ‘I trust this classist organization will be a reference in Latin America’.” (Lucha Socialista 167, 21/09/08, FOS/LIT publication) (Bold ours)
Celia Hart was the Castroites and Chavists´ boss and took the banners of Troskysm and the 4th International. Her faith expressed her support to this new freak ELAC.
Why? Martin Hernandez from the leadership of LIT-CI gives the answer: “Now after the seventies the Word “Stalinism” is used as an insult, while Trotsky and his documents are being rediscoverd by thousands of activists looking for the road towards the revolution”. Lucha Socialista N 167, 21/09/08. (Bold ours).They only know Trotskyism can talk to the masses about the Socialist and Working Revolution. That’s why the fake Trotskyism usurps the banners of the Fourth International to disguise as “Trotskyism” the Stalinist policy of class collaboration.
Thus, under the banners of Trotskyism, the continuity the Revolutionary Marxism, the leadership of the LIT and the PSTU, once again lends prestige to the treacherous leadership of the COB.
So, neither God nor Devil will be able to silence the Internationalist Trotskyism to denounce so many lies and forgery in the name of the Fourth International. We will not allow at its name to put the working class at the feet of the Bolivarian Governments. This is our first task to prepare the next combats of the working class, regrouping the principled Trotskyite and the revolutionary workers, exposing the usurpers, turned into Stalinists.
In this task we, the Internationalist of the FLT, put all our forces. Seventy years after the foundation of the Fourth International, we fight to impulse its program to the victory, expulsing out of its ranks all who usurped its immaculate banner before the world proletarian vanguard.
Long live the Fourth International and its foundational Congress of 1938! For an International Conference of the Principled Trotskyists and the Revolutionary Workers’ Organizations!